One other thing that bears further explanation. For those of you reading who are already well aware of this please forgive me.
Today in the era of the modern State, we are used to all the rights and responsibilities of government and citizenship respectively to be collected together in clear packages.
In the feudal world, it wasn't so clear cut by any means.
For a given real place, different people or collective entities (like towns, families or religious Orders) could own many different rights and have many different responsibilities. So for example lets imagine a small parish in France consisting of 30 villages, a small town, and a forest and a lake. One individual might have the right to collect 5% (in cash equivalent) of all the fish caught in the lake, another gets 5% (cash equivalent) of the birds and beasts hunted in the forest, and a third gets 10% value of all the lumber. These last three may also have the responsibility (and the self interest) to assure that the lake doesn't get fished out, nor the forest hunted out or cut down. If they owned it and were under duress (ransoming a relative for example) or from sheer greed they might decide to cut down the whole forest for a quick profit. But in this case they only have the right to collect the fee.
One guy might have the right to collect the fines for all cases in the church court, yet another might have the right to collect the fines for all cases in civil court, and yet another still to collect the fines for the land court. One individual has the right to mint coins, and another to set weights and measures (and perhaps, also the responsibility to keep the roads clear and 3 bridges maintained).. One has the right to mill all the corn from 10 of the villages, and another for the other 20. One guy has the right to farm taxes from the villages, another to collect import tariffs, and a third to collect guild fees. And so on.
Every one of these individual rights, which in many cases represent income streams, can be given to different individuals, or you (as a Lord) might give 10 or 20 of them to one guy and 5 or 6 to another, and just 1 of them to a third. So with these kinds of money streams a king could finance people at a variety of different levels.
J
Jean,
Concerning the ministerial class: to begin simply, I don't disagree with any of your points generally. There is certainly evidence of the class as an appreciable entity among other regions of Europe besides German-speaking lands, and the widespread adoption of German law and social policies certainly made it possible for the ministeriales to thrive in many regions.
However, I have yet to see any major evidence suggesting that the ministeriales elsewhere attained anything near the quasi-noble status that they earned in Germany (as their estimation among the upper echelons on the Herrenschild implies) or that their major functions as professional mounted soldiers and ranking officials was ever adopted to any large degree within other European states. In Scandinavia and among the Teutonic States in Northeastern Europe, as well as in Italy, the direct relationship with the German model puts the presence of ranking ministeriales in those places beyond doubt. That does not mean that their quasi-noble status or the utility which was made of them was approved of or appreciated outside of the German spheres of influence, such as in France and England.
From Maurice Keen's Chivalry to Benjamin Arnold's German Knighthood 1050-1300 (and many books in between), I have not come across any contemporary research suggesting that a servile class ever attained such military or political dominance in any part of Europe except those under the direct influences of the Kingdom of Germany. As far as the matter of doing primary research on the topic goes, I'm afraid that my lack of linguistic skills and access to the documentation has prevented me from further delving. If you do have any information on particular circumstances of the ministerial class coming into its own beyond the immediate influence of German society and politics, I would love to be recommended to the sources (if there are any in English). I'm very interested in the subject and won't mind at all being proved wrong if that's the case. Thanks!
-Gregory
Concerning the ministerial class: to begin simply, I don't disagree with any of your points generally. There is certainly evidence of the class as an appreciable entity among other regions of Europe besides German-speaking lands, and the widespread adoption of German law and social policies certainly made it possible for the ministeriales to thrive in many regions.
However, I have yet to see any major evidence suggesting that the ministeriales elsewhere attained anything near the quasi-noble status that they earned in Germany (as their estimation among the upper echelons on the Herrenschild implies) or that their major functions as professional mounted soldiers and ranking officials was ever adopted to any large degree within other European states. In Scandinavia and among the Teutonic States in Northeastern Europe, as well as in Italy, the direct relationship with the German model puts the presence of ranking ministeriales in those places beyond doubt. That does not mean that their quasi-noble status or the utility which was made of them was approved of or appreciated outside of the German spheres of influence, such as in France and England.
From Maurice Keen's Chivalry to Benjamin Arnold's German Knighthood 1050-1300 (and many books in between), I have not come across any contemporary research suggesting that a servile class ever attained such military or political dominance in any part of Europe except those under the direct influences of the Kingdom of Germany. As far as the matter of doing primary research on the topic goes, I'm afraid that my lack of linguistic skills and access to the documentation has prevented me from further delving. If you do have any information on particular circumstances of the ministerial class coming into its own beyond the immediate influence of German society and politics, I would love to be recommended to the sources (if there are any in English). I'm very interested in the subject and won't mind at all being proved wrong if that's the case. Thanks!
-Gregory
Greg,
Do you consider the Bishopric of Utrecht part of this Kingdom of Germany? They had ministeriales which either disappeared or were slowly raised into normal nobility as time went on.
Do you consider the Bishopric of Utrecht part of this Kingdom of Germany? They had ministeriales which either disappeared or were slowly raised into normal nobility as time went on.
According to a quick Wiki search, Utrecht's bishops were made princes of the Holy Roman Empire in 1024 (creating the prince-bishopric of Utrecht), and the city of Utrecht was actually granted its first rights by King Henry V of Germany in 1122. So yes, most definitely within the kingdom. For most of the medieval period in the Netherlands, either the Holy Roman Empire, the Kingdom of Germany or the Hanseatic League dominated the social and political spheres, and one of the main languages spoken in the region was Middle Low German. Culturally, there were definitely signs of many more influences due to the volume of commercial traffic in the many port cities, which added lots of flavor. But socially things remained quite Germanic as far as I'm aware.
As an aside, the Dutch were also quite innovative in their own right, especially when it came to village society. In Rosener's Peasants in the Middle Ages (which focuses on Germanic village life) he credits a number of intriguing village laws, traditions and technological innovations for land clearing to the Dutch who migrated into the lands east of Germany after the northern Crusades cleared out - or at least dwindled and tamed - the Slavic populations there. The distinctions made between the Dutch and Germans in the sources at least show that they were recognized as their own people, and of course their language and culture was already developing on its own despite the widespread use of Middle Low German and other influences.
Back on topic... I'm by no means saying that ministeriales only reached noble status within the confines of the German kingdom itself or even within the more far-reaching and highly fluctuating boundaries of the HRE, but my research shows that the trend was confined almost completely within regions that were highly influenced by Germany.
-Gregory
As an aside, the Dutch were also quite innovative in their own right, especially when it came to village society. In Rosener's Peasants in the Middle Ages (which focuses on Germanic village life) he credits a number of intriguing village laws, traditions and technological innovations for land clearing to the Dutch who migrated into the lands east of Germany after the northern Crusades cleared out - or at least dwindled and tamed - the Slavic populations there. The distinctions made between the Dutch and Germans in the sources at least show that they were recognized as their own people, and of course their language and culture was already developing on its own despite the widespread use of Middle Low German and other influences.
Back on topic... I'm by no means saying that ministeriales only reached noble status within the confines of the German kingdom itself or even within the more far-reaching and highly fluctuating boundaries of the HRE, but my research shows that the trend was confined almost completely within regions that were highly influenced by Germany.
-Gregory
Gregory, I agree with you that only in the German-speaking and German-influenced lands do you see the ministerials rising in status so dramatically as an estate, organized and officially recognized, in ways and to an extent that was not happening in other parts of Europe. But in the context of armies per the OP, I think you did also see some serf knights (or the equivalent - poor retainers of humble background, armed and given horses by their lord) in places like England, Spain and Burgundy.
I think the unique thing about the German speaking areas, particularly east of the Elbe, was that so many of the ministerial class were used (and 'made' if you will) during the Ostiedlung and in the Crusades. As you probably know many of the Teutonic Knights and Livonian Knights were in fact ministerials or from ministerial families, including some of the Grand Masters.
Speaking of Burgundy wasn't Holland part of the Duchy of Burgundy as well for a while?
I agree with you by the way that the story of the Dutch and Flemish colonists in lower-Saxony and so on is really interesting, not only did they know how to drain swamps and make land out of the sea, they knew how to fight in those swamps quite well. Some zones like the Dithmarschen repeatedly defeated invading armies and killed numerous powerful Lords who tried to invade over the centuries.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dithmarschen
I was reading some excerpts of the Hamburg chronicles a few months ago for a paper, and I was amazed at how much trouble those Flemish 'peasants' gave everybody. Hamburg eventually just gave up and made them into a 'coast guard', i.e. paid them fixed fees to 'rescue' shipwrecked boat crews and goods (and not to resort to piracy). Even Lubeck and the Duke of Mecklenburg had to come to terms. The Hanseatic League ended up admitting the Dithmarschen as a member, the only other non town member other than the Teutonic Order.
The Flemish were also sent all the way to some districts in Bohemia and Poland and proved formidable there as well.
Jean
I think the unique thing about the German speaking areas, particularly east of the Elbe, was that so many of the ministerial class were used (and 'made' if you will) during the Ostiedlung and in the Crusades. As you probably know many of the Teutonic Knights and Livonian Knights were in fact ministerials or from ministerial families, including some of the Grand Masters.
Speaking of Burgundy wasn't Holland part of the Duchy of Burgundy as well for a while?
I agree with you by the way that the story of the Dutch and Flemish colonists in lower-Saxony and so on is really interesting, not only did they know how to drain swamps and make land out of the sea, they knew how to fight in those swamps quite well. Some zones like the Dithmarschen repeatedly defeated invading armies and killed numerous powerful Lords who tried to invade over the centuries.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dithmarschen
I was reading some excerpts of the Hamburg chronicles a few months ago for a paper, and I was amazed at how much trouble those Flemish 'peasants' gave everybody. Hamburg eventually just gave up and made them into a 'coast guard', i.e. paid them fixed fees to 'rescue' shipwrecked boat crews and goods (and not to resort to piracy). Even Lubeck and the Duke of Mecklenburg had to come to terms. The Hanseatic League ended up admitting the Dithmarschen as a member, the only other non town member other than the Teutonic Order.
The Flemish were also sent all the way to some districts in Bohemia and Poland and proved formidable there as well.
Jean
The best time to invade a swamp is in the winter when the ground freezes and hardens. Both the Livonian order and a few Counts of Holland learned this. I presume the Hanseatic league did too. In summer it's either soggy wide open fields filled with ditches, lakes and marshes or swamp forests like this.
[ Linked Image ]
Neither of the above mentioned is good for armies, it's either getting ambushed or being forced to fight in a bad position, it's essentially the advantages the Swiss had over the emperors in the early days but instead of mountains its swamps.
If you want permanent conquest you want to attack in the winter or with ships in summer, then you want to establish Zwingburg(en) along the coastline which can easily be supplied (but you'll need some kind of naval superiority for that) and from there on work your way inland building and garrisoning castles. A little bit of kindness goes a long way too. This is how Wales and parts of Frisia were conquered.
[ Linked Image ]
Neither of the above mentioned is good for armies, it's either getting ambushed or being forced to fight in a bad position, it's essentially the advantages the Swiss had over the emperors in the early days but instead of mountains its swamps.
If you want permanent conquest you want to attack in the winter or with ships in summer, then you want to establish Zwingburg(en) along the coastline which can easily be supplied (but you'll need some kind of naval superiority for that) and from there on work your way inland building and garrisoning castles. A little bit of kindness goes a long way too. This is how Wales and parts of Frisia were conquered.
Yeah most of the 'free' peasant zones were in the midst of some kind of really difficult terrain. It was the same for the Swedes in their deep forests. Swedish peasants were pretty tough and militarily significant on their home turf.
One of the interesting things to keep in mind about the Swiss Confederation however is that while they did rely on fierce peasants from high in the mountains, arguably the core of their armies in many key battles were actually from the warlike cities on the northern fringe, especially Berne and Zurich, and they were in the foothills, not the mountains. Neither of those two towns are in particularly difficult terrain. They were just tough and innovative when it came to using new military technologies.
Jean
One of the interesting things to keep in mind about the Swiss Confederation however is that while they did rely on fierce peasants from high in the mountains, arguably the core of their armies in many key battles were actually from the warlike cities on the northern fringe, especially Berne and Zurich, and they were in the foothills, not the mountains. Neither of those two towns are in particularly difficult terrain. They were just tough and innovative when it came to using new military technologies.
Jean
Pieter B. wrote: |
Where those landless courtiers a majority? |
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Lets look at those Companies D'ordnance which had roughly 2000 men-at-arms, how many do you reckon were courtiers of either the king of France or Burgundy? Surely they can't all have been cogs in this administrative machine of France or Burgundy? |
Landless high-class soldiers living off cash stipends/salaries/whatever were quite common by the end of the Middle Ages. One of the items that made up the pay of French Ordonnance men-at-arms was an allowance given to them so that they could maintain a lifestyle commensurate to their social status! They didn't have to be courtiers as such -- just paid employees/officials of the royal court.
In a way, though they were "cogs in the administrative machine." As paid officials, they were at the beck and call of the royal court, and the King probably used them as local "muscle" to carry out or at least provide armed security/escort services for some government affairs at the local level.
Jean Henri Chandler wrote: |
Speaking of Burgundy wasn't Holland part of the Duchy of Burgundy as well for a while? |
Only briefly -- from 1433 onwards. And then, as Burgundy was broken up about half a century later, Holland largely resumed its much more long-lasting relationship with the Holy Roman Empire for better or worse.
Lafayette C Curtis wrote: | ||
Only briefly -- from 1433 onwards. And then, as Burgundy was broken up about half a century later, Holland largely resumed its much more long-lasting relationship with the Holy Roman Empire for better or worse. |
Granted that the Burgundian period was quite important to Holland in the long term.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dutch%E2%80%93Hanseatic_War
Jean Henri Chandler wrote: |
The Teutonic and Livonian Orders did have what you might think of as a standing army going back to the 13th Century but it was very small, suitable mostly for defense, mostly boiling down to various small permanent garrisons at all their castles and towns. |
But this wasn't the general reality of every Medieval State with town and castle garrisons across the country? I give the fact that, if we are considering these as just as war-like and religious centered as the Military Orders during 12th-13th centuries, they would have a body of knightly monks having nothing to do but military training and religious activities.
However, I have this impression that at least by 1500 the Military Orders were just a place where nobles would go to get extra funds and was very poorly related to a religious or even a military brotherhood, especially in the Iberian Peninsula (by 1360-1380, Portuguese Order of Avis was ruled by the King`s bastard, whose squire was among many bastards of the prior of Crato, the highest commander of the Hospitallers in Portugal; the former Order of the Templars was reformed into the national Order of Christ whose Grand-Master was also Master of Avis; after 1417 the Grand Master of the Order of Christ was always part of the Royal Family, and so on; D. Henrique, the Navigator, is hardly known to have dress as a knight of the Order he ruled' the Prior do Crato during the 1580's civil war was a royal bastard, too)
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Jean Henri Chandler wrote: |
The first real professional army in (late) medieval Europe of a size that could have strategic importance, may have been the Hungarian Black Army. Of necessity they were almost constantly mobilized and involved in some action against the Turks, or Frederick III or whomever. |
Very often the first standing army of a nation is created when this very nation is generally permanently at war. And Hungary disbanded the Black Army for payment issues, as it happened to the French Standing Army of 3,000 men-at-arms made in 1364.
I recently discovered Castile formed it's first standing army at the Ordenamiento de Lanzas of 1390, composed of 4,000 lanzas castellanas (4,000 men-at-arms); 1,500 light cavalry jinetes and 1,000 crossbowmen (apparently from the King's own crossbowmen. It was apparently sucessful, perhaps never disbanded, which means George Gush's allegation it would be only with the Catholic Kings that the Iberian peninsula would see a standing army (with the Guardias Viejas de Castela with heavy and light cavalry in 1493, and the Constabulary for foot) to be wrong. Source: https://filosofia.org/his/laf/p203c19.htm
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More permanent armies which you saw later on during the rise of the State in the 17th Century and so on were typically based on forced levies, and later true conscription, and pay was a lot lower, while discipline was much more strict. |
How it would be stricter? It has some influence from the Swiss or the Spanish?
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The notion of making your army spend all their time training (in order to keep them out of trouble and also to make those not already skilled warriors into somewhat useful troops) was relatively 'new' in medieval Europe, though it was a notion they were aware of from the Romans. |
This pretty much induces the idea that your average standing army soldier was relatively better than your average feudal soldier of the same role (as minor nobility would spend part or most of their time working or enjoying courtly life while the permanent men-at-arms would be doing daily training).
The Roman example reminds me that the Empire suffered a lot with unpaid legions and generals turning rebels/emperors. The Byzantine Empire suffered a lot on that, though on later ages it was more a dynastic dispute.
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* conversely in other places where there was typically peace both militias and feudal levies were pretty bad... |
I have heard that Scotland had this problem during the Anglo-Scottish Wars as they passed a good time without wars and thus most of them were somewhat unexperienced. Perhaps the same issue with Italy during the French invasion of 1495. [/quote]
This is an interesting thread. I wonder if the Ordenamiento de Lanzas is similar to the Compagnies d´Ordonance of Charles VII of France. Ellis-Gorman describes them as "a sorta standing army" (Empahsis mine) They were supposed to be 12,000 men. Wikipedia calls it the first standing army since the fall of the Roman Empire. Charles VII also instituted the franc-archers, which were a militia. I wonder how often they were at full strength.
Every castle and city would have a peace time garrison, although small. It is possible that it was different in Britain. Cities transitioned from having militia doing pretty much all the guard duty to relying on professional soldiers. Each city typically had a captain, and he would have a handful of men that worked for him. When war broke out, then they would hire more. It may have worked differently in cities that weren’t Free Cities and were dependent on a Prince or King. There are though lots of stories that indicate, that even in times of war, cities weren’t always fully prepared. For example, Prague was captured when it was surprised. There was a war going on, but they weren’t expecting the enemy to be in the area and obviously didn’t have enough guards defending the wall.
Every castle and city would have a peace time garrison, although small. It is possible that it was different in Britain. Cities transitioned from having militia doing pretty much all the guard duty to relying on professional soldiers. Each city typically had a captain, and he would have a handful of men that worked for him. When war broke out, then they would hire more. It may have worked differently in cities that weren’t Free Cities and were dependent on a Prince or King. There are though lots of stories that indicate, that even in times of war, cities weren’t always fully prepared. For example, Prague was captured when it was surprised. There was a war going on, but they weren’t expecting the enemy to be in the area and obviously didn’t have enough guards defending the wall.
Ryan S. wrote: |
This is an interesting thread. I wonder if the Ordenamiento de Lanzas is similar to the Compagnies d´Ordonance of Charles VII of France. Ellis-Gorman describes them as "a sorta standing army" (Empahsis mine) They were supposed to be 12,000 men. Wikipedia calls it the first standing army since the fall of the Roman Empire. Charles VII also instituted the franc-archers, which were a militia. I wonder how often they were at full strength. |
Well, the Janissaries were created in the 14th century and they operate as a standing army ...
Wikipedia is severely superficial, like saying the first standing army of Spain was the Tercios in the 16th century, while another Wikipedia article talks about the Guardias Viejas (meaning both old and veteran) of Castile in the late 15th century (which is perhaps a reformation of the Castilian 1390's ordinance) that obviously contradicts that statement.
After France, Castile was the second wealthiest kingdom of Catholic Europe, with a huge territory and a considerable population (6 million while Granada had an overpopulation of 1 million and Portugal varied between 0,75-1,5 milion souls). It made sense that they might have the funds for a standing army, though we know the French tried to build a standing army in the 1360's that was discontinued because of lack of payment.
This article, though, says the general reforms of Juan Trastamara after the defeat at the hands of the Portuguese and the Lancastrian Invasion of Castile (with nominal, but not factual Portuguese support) had some problems too
https://medievalistas.es/wp-content/uploads/attachments/00588.pdf
The article fails to mention that Duke John de Gante married Castilian royalty, thus opening the precedent for the English to do the same as they did with France. Juan had real reasons to be scared; however, the failure of the English to hold what they conquered in Galicia-Leon might have dissuaded any further English pretensions on the kingdom. The Portuguese invaded Castile to force a moral recognition of Portugal's independence (something Juan never acknowledged and left open the idea that Castile could claim Portugal back) and used the 1415's campaign to scare Juan, as they inflated a report that 50.000 soldiers were gathering in Lisbon for a campaign at a secret location; Joao de Avis made that so the Castilians would be afraid of him, but after they left, it was revelated the target would by Ceuta (Morroco). They were studying to take Granada, but I think the Portuguese wouldn't stand a chance against them (even the Reyes Catolicos couldn't conquer the city through assault), and they would also cause political problems with Castille as the Emirate of Granada was a vassal of the Crown of Castile.
I can't remember how rich Hungary was, but it was certainly not a poor or small kingdom, and even they started feeling the economic pains of maintaining a standing army, until the actual dissolution.
England always trusted their militia's ability to hold any problems relating to French, Scottish and later Spanish invasions, so the urge of a standing army didn't really bother them.
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Gregory J. Liebau wrote: |
I cannot comment much on details regarding the foundations of state armies in 14th century England and France, but as a case in point concerning either mercenaries versus feudal levies being more disciplined, I am aware that throughout the early part of the Hundred Year's War the English made their point by having professional troops repeatedly defeat "superior" French feudal forces. Both Crecy and Poitiers stand out as exemplary in this regard.
|
I'm not sure with we should equate the English indentured system, which is formally a mercenary system, but recruiting local shire men, to be an example of the opposite of French feudal levies. Also, English armies were starting to get smaller as the conflict developed and feudal for campaigns were abandoned, while the feudal element of the French was cheaper and bigger.
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Pieter B. wrote: |
Could you clarify the bit about landless Knights, squires and professional men-at-arms? As far as I am aware the vast majority of non-knightly men-at-arms were still of gentle birth with only a minority being rich merchants. Didn't loss of land tied to nobility also entail loss of nobility? I know it worked the other way around but wouldn't landless gentry not pass their nobility on to their children? |
I could think of Edward Brampton, originally Duarte Brandão, a jew from a family of smiths in Portugal that fled to England after being accused of murder; he converted and fought in the War of Roses; after being knighted one his first rewards was a "fief" London where we had the right to collect money from a number of rented houses there. Ian Heath says money-fiefs became more common in Late Medieval England, too.
Chaucer was not noble, became a page for the countess of Ulster, was captured in France ( his £16 ransom was more than a half of a knight's fief) and later became a squire and member of the House of the Commons. Hawkwood is another example.
Yeah, Wikipedia often contradicts itself within the same article. I think it would be better if it didn’t exist because it dominants search results, preventing a better alternative from being made.
I think that historians might not all agree on what exactly is a standing army, probably because of size. When does the royal bodyguard and various garrisons become an army?
It does make sense that size and threat of attack has to do with the decision to have a standing army. England was relative safe, being an island with only Scotland for a neighbour. Having a standing army meant being at a higher state of alert or partly mobilized all the time.
I wonder if the fact that English kings were usually fighting overseas influenced their reliance on mercenaries. I know sometimes laws made treated defensive war differently than offensive war, and it would be easier to find people to fight to defend their own homes. Especially as it would be easier for peasants to join an army for a few weeks and then return home for the harvest, when they didn’t live far away.
Also, a thought that I just had, that I think is an overlooked aspect of feudalism, is that vassals with fiefs were bivocational. A king that gave a fief for military service got not just a warrior, but a warrior and an administrator. Of course, the fief owner might have an agent, but still the King is giving away land, that if he kept himself, he would not be able to manage, and would also find a hard time holding an agent accountable.
I think that historians might not all agree on what exactly is a standing army, probably because of size. When does the royal bodyguard and various garrisons become an army?
It does make sense that size and threat of attack has to do with the decision to have a standing army. England was relative safe, being an island with only Scotland for a neighbour. Having a standing army meant being at a higher state of alert or partly mobilized all the time.
I wonder if the fact that English kings were usually fighting overseas influenced their reliance on mercenaries. I know sometimes laws made treated defensive war differently than offensive war, and it would be easier to find people to fight to defend their own homes. Especially as it would be easier for peasants to join an army for a few weeks and then return home for the harvest, when they didn’t live far away.
Also, a thought that I just had, that I think is an overlooked aspect of feudalism, is that vassals with fiefs were bivocational. A king that gave a fief for military service got not just a warrior, but a warrior and an administrator. Of course, the fief owner might have an agent, but still the King is giving away land, that if he kept himself, he would not be able to manage, and would also find a hard time holding an agent accountable.
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I wonder if the fact that English kings were usually fighting overseas influenced their reliance on mercenaries. |
After the issues with foreign mercenaries in the 12th and early 13th century , and the political fall out from that, English kings became wary of using them in England. Even foreign allies could be problematic. For example, the Hainault contingent in the 1327 fought a pitched battle with English troops in the army before the campaign started.
Anthony Clipsom wrote: | ||
After the issues with foreign mercenaries in the 12th and early 13th century , and the political fall out from that, English kings became wary of using them in England. Even foreign allies could be problematic. For example, the Hainault contingent in the 1327 fought a pitched battle with English troops in the army before the campaign started. |
I meant hired troops instead of feudal levies. The captains of indentured troops were squires and knights, but how did they recruit the archers and others troops? Were they still vassals or paid troops?
[quote="Ryan S."][quote="Anthony Clipsom"]
Like today, the medieval English saw a difference between a paid soldier and a mercenary. Indentured soldiers were paid but part of the regular military structures of the time. Their relationship to their captains could be complicated. Some were relatives, others tenants, others former comrades or sons thereof and others who didn't have a direct connection to the captain but to someone else in the retinue. Yet others researchers have been unable to connect to anyone else. When the English thought mercenaries they usually meant bands of hired soldiers, often foreign. It is not clear to me how they regarded individual foreign paid specialists, such as gunners or engineers.
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I meant hired troops instead of feudal levies. The captains of indentured troops were squires and knights, but how did they recruit the archers and others troops? Were they still vassals or paid troops? |
Like today, the medieval English saw a difference between a paid soldier and a mercenary. Indentured soldiers were paid but part of the regular military structures of the time. Their relationship to their captains could be complicated. Some were relatives, others tenants, others former comrades or sons thereof and others who didn't have a direct connection to the captain but to someone else in the retinue. Yet others researchers have been unable to connect to anyone else. When the English thought mercenaries they usually meant bands of hired soldiers, often foreign. It is not clear to me how they regarded individual foreign paid specialists, such as gunners or engineers.
[quote="Anthony Clipsom"][quote="Ryan S."]
In a German context, mercenaries are hired and paid sold. Others were called up and had to serve only for a limited time, and received just a bit of money for food etc.
Were yeoman called up, or did they volunteer?
Anthony Clipsom wrote: | ||
Like today, the medieval English saw a difference between a paid soldier and a mercenary. Indentured soldiers were paid but part of the regular military structures of the time. Their relationship to their captains could be complicated. Some were relatives, others tenants, others former comrades or sons thereof and others who didn't have a direct connection to the captain but to someone else in the retinue. Yet others researchers have been unable to connect to anyone else. When the English thought mercenaries they usually meant bands of hired soldiers, often foreign. It is not clear to me how they regarded individual foreign paid specialists, such as gunners or engineers. |
In a German context, mercenaries are hired and paid sold. Others were called up and had to serve only for a limited time, and received just a bit of money for food etc.
Were yeoman called up, or did they volunteer?
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Were yeoman called up, or did they volunteer? |
Indentures used "volunteers", though there could be a degree of social, rather than legal, obligation. Indentures could also be filled by calling on paid retainers to honour their contract obligations.
Answering a commission of array was a legal thing, your obligation being dependent on your status. The actual force arrayed, though, would be selective - in theory the best men with the best kit. However, the obligation could be avoided if you had the connections/money. You could, for example, hire a substitute to take your place.
This is a very rough and ready explanation. The real situation was doubtless more nuanced and complicated.
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These people were not second class knights - far from it They were their own thing and had their own military orders and so on, quite often they excluded nobles (you had to have town citizenship to be in the order). They were usually much wealthier and better educated than noble or serf-knights and often better equipped. They formed the cavalry arms of town militias, especially of city-states and Free Cities, and also in many cases formed the political class and made up the city council and the burgomeisters. Most often they were merchants but that varied a great deal town by town - in patrician controlled towns like Venice, Bern, Lubeck or Nuremberg they were almost all merchants, in guild oriented towns like Ghent, Strasbourg, Cologne, or Zurich many of them were from the most prominent or rich craft guilds (which specific crafts could vary widely depending on the main industries of the town). Some of these organizations were called 'constafler' societies, some went by other names. In addition to Italy and Flanders, they existed in all the German speaking towns well beyond the borders of what is today Germany. For example this group was in the Baltic region, based in what are today Riga and Tallinn.
[...] So for example, a mighty patrician like Jacob Fugger 'The Rich' or Cosimo de-Medici, might buy or receive as favors, knighthoods from powerful princes or kings and had younger members of their family admitted into religious orders. But they were actually patricians in their own lifetime, often with special enhanced patrician status like the so called 'grossburgher' citizenship. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Burgher Jean |
This reminded me of painting of Fugger and his wife, both of them with their respective coats-of-arms. I asked if they had so because of noble titles (assuming he cared to buy one), but apparently, that was allowed in Germany.
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as we were mentioning, owning land also means having to administer it and protect it ... deal with drought and locusts and floods and early frosts. Keep in mind the European economy was shifting from land based to cash / trade based in the later medieval period. Rents had shifted to cash for example for the most part in the 14th Century or earlier. And land could always be taken away capriciously. In a country like France influence and patronage may have become more important than land. membership in certain knightly orders could also be hereditary and meant a permanent status boost to the family. |
These money-fiefs, pensions and other revenues (like Duarte receiving from the Yorkist King the rent revenue of a number of
properties in London) seems to have started with the Crusades, as the Levant had a more vibrant economy than most of Catholic Europe of that time. Duarte, who had a noble title in England (of knight, at least) also had business and properties in Flanders and some stuff he got from the King of Portugal after he returned to Portugal. He's a sort of merchant nobility that was more typified in the years that preceded the French Revolution, who had a distinction between traditional rural land-holding nobility and nobles linked to trade and services to the monarchy.
Regarding the emphasis, I would like to point out that from the Middle Ages to today, commerce and technology makes more profit than farming and commodities. Sweden exported iron and imported swords, the swords and armor were way more expensive and profitable to trade than iron ore, the reason why Milan was richer than Sweden, or why even though Northern Germany was a terrible place for farming, it was rich because of its cities, commerce and mining (Machiavelli even praised German burgs above Italian cities for defensive character). Switzerland also has this issue: rural cantons were more prone to keep the mercenary service than city cantons because the latter wasn't as dependent of war in it's revenues.
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In Portugal, one of the reasons why nobles and commoners tried to get into the court was because of the opportunities to make your life there. Chamber's crossbowmen (100) and knights (24) were recruited from commoner and noble pool, both equally interested in setting foot in court. Some Portuguese explorers were squires in the Court, perhaps even part of the Royal Guard of Knights (it seens it was composed of both knights and squires). Diogo Cão (Africa inland' explorations) signed his documents as such, and also Pero Vaz de Caminha, etc.
In England I remember Chaucer descended from a London's family that worked with naval customs, they managed to make him a page for an Irish countess, and through this connection he became a squire and went to war in France with the King. He managed to develop connections that, while he remained a squire, he could be a part of the House of Commons, which was a pretty reasonable social upgrade. Many royal squires had somewhat of a connection with the King himself, and were awarded for their services or expected to have their ramson paid by him.
Pieter B. wrote: |
Where those landless courtiers a majority? Many modern day authors in various books point out that court life was quite expensive for a large part of nobility. Those courtier soldiers would be extremely expensive compared to men-at-arms recruited from landed gentry would they not? A noble/non-noble acting as a man-at-arms without land has to be provided with armor, a set of horses, a few grooms, an annuity to maintain himself, his family and possible money to maintain himself as a courtier if he was not acting as a guard and on top of this quarters and housing for his family would have to be found. |
Tobias Capwell recently showed in an interview that Richard III ordered more than a hundred sets of full-plate armor from Flanders. He argued these armors would be given to his retainers - his pensioners, courtly nobles, close friends etc. In Portugal, especially by late medieval and later, some nobles would occupy a position that entitled a salary, thus justifying a reason for why they were receiving money (and basically the source of the perceived nowadays corruption in Portugal and Brazil), even if they weren't doing much at all.
One of the advantages of living in royal courts is being maintained by the host, a reason often pointed in schools for why the common people hated so much what the Versailles Palace represented: parasite nobility eating, drinking and partying at the expense of the commoner's taxes. I also think the French King wanted this arrangement because it made the nobility dependent and more controllable.
The Master/Prior of the Portuguese Hospitaller Knights in the late 14th century had around 20 bastards, he managed to have most, if not all of them, allocated in courtly offices or something that could grant a future; Nuno Alvares because squire of the King's bastard, his hagiography even saying he didn't even owned a sword, which had to be rented; as time passed, the bastard made a coup with Nuno as co-conspirator, and Nuno and his brothers fought in different sides of the civil war that followed. The war was an awesome opportunity for second-sons, bastards and low nobility to increase their wealth, as after the King's bastard won the war, he expelled and confiscated the lands from the opposing faction. The Pachecos, now associated with Castile/Spain, were an Upper Nobility house that supported the King of Castile, and fled Portugal after he lost the war, starting a new life in Castile to the point of being one of the most important players of Henry-Isabella the Catholic reigns a hundred years later.
Jean Henri Chandler wrote: |
I don't think the ministerialis were actually unique to "Germany" by any means, they had the equivalent status in Italy and I believe, in England, among other places. |
I think it might have some correlation with the Iberian villain-cavalarymen/knights (there's no distinct name here), which seemed basically to be serf or free peasant that had the means to fight on horse. The distinction seems to have disappeared when the knight and men-at-arms definition appeared (and jinete light cavalry as well).
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